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This policy was a clear affront to Hamas, and had the inescapable effect of undermining both Hamas and popular Palestinian support for the ceasefire.
But Israel's most provocative action, acknowledged by many now as the critical turning point that undermined the ceasefire, took place on November 4, when Israeli forces auspiciously violated the truce by crossing into the Gaza Strip to destroy what the army said was a tunnel dug by Hamas, killing six Hamas militants.
Sara Roy, writing in the London Review of Books, contends this attack was "no doubt designed finally to undermine the truce between Israel and Hamas established last June.
As a result, the UN reports that the amount of imports entering Gaza has been "severely reduced to an average of 16 truckloads per day — down from truckloads per day in October and trucks per day in May — before the Hamas takeover.
In response, Hamas predictably claimed that Israel had violated the truce and allowed Islamic Jihad to launch a round of rocket attacks on Israel. Only after lethal Israeli reprisals killed over 10 Hamas gunmen in the following days did Hamas militants finally respond with volleys of mortars and rockets of their own.
In two short weeks, Israel killed over 15 Palestinian militants, while about rockets and mortars were fired at Israel, and although there were no Israeli casualties the calm had been shattered.
It was at this time that Israeli officials launched what appears to have been a coordinated media blitz to cultivate public reception for an impending conflict, stressing the theme of the "inevitability" of a coming war with Hamas in Gaza.
On November 12, senior IDF officials announced that war with Hamas was likely in the two months after the six-month ceasefire, baldly stating it would occur even if Hamas wasn't interested in confrontation.
A few days later, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert publicly ordered his military commanders to draw up plans for a war in Gaza, which were already well developed at the time.
On November 19, according to Raviv's report in Haaretz, the Gaza war plan was brought before Barak for final approval.
While the rhetoric of an "inevitable" war with Hamas may have only been Israeli bluster to compel Hamas into line, its actions on the ground in the critical month leading up to the official expiration of the ceasefire on December 19 only heightened the cycle of violence, leaving a distinct impression Israel had cast the die for war.
Finally, Hamas then walked right into the "inevitable war" that Israel had been preparing since the ceasefire had gone into effect in June.
With many Palestinians believing the ceasefire to be meaningless, Hamas announced it wouldn't renew the ceasefire after it expired on December Hamas then stood back for two days while Islamic Jihad and Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades militants fired volleys of mortars and rockets into Israel, in the context of mutually escalating attacks.
Yet even then, with Israeli threats of war mounting, Hamas imposed a hour ceasefire on all missile attacks on December 21, announcing it would consider renewing the lapsed truce with Israel in the Gaza Strip if Israel would halt its raids in both Gaza and the West Bank, and keep Gaza border crossings open for supplies of aid and fuel.
Israel immediately rejected its offer. But when the Israel Defence Forces killed three Hamas militants laying explosives near the security fence between Israel and Gaza on the evening of December 23, the Hamas military wing lashed out by launching a barrage of over 80 missiles into Israel the following day, claiming it was Israel, and not Hamas, that was responsible for the escalation.
Little did they know that, according to Raviv, Prime Minister Olmert, and Defense Minister Barak had already met on December 18 to approve the impending war plan, but put the mission off waiting for a better pretext.
By launching more than rockets and mortars at Israeli civilians in the days following December 23, killing one Israeli civilian, Hamas had provided reason enough for Israel to unleash its long-planned attack on Gaza on December The Rationale for War If Israel's goal were simply to end rocket attacks on its civilians, it would have solidified and extended the ceasefire, which was working well, until November.
Even after November, it could have addressed Hamas' longstanding ceasefire proposals for a complete end to rocket-fire on Israel, in exchange for Israel lifting its crippling month siege on Gaza.
Instead, the actual targets of its assault on Gaza after December 27, which included police stations, mosques, universities, and Hamas government institutions, clearly reveal that Israel's primary goals go far beyond providing immediate security for its citizens.
Israeli spokespersons repeatedly claim that Israel's assault isn't about seeking to effect regime change with Hamas, but rather about creating a "new security reality" in Gaza.
But that "new reality" requires Israel to use massive violence to degrade the political and military capacity of Hamas, to a point where it agrees to a ceasefire with conditions more congenial to Israel.
Short of a complete reoccupation of Gaza, no amount of violence will erase Hamas from the scene. Confirming the steps needed to create the "new reality," the broader reasons why Israel chose a major confrontation with Hamas at this time appear to be the cause of several other factors unrelated to providing immediate security for its citizens.
First, many senior Israeli political and military leaders strongly opposed the June 19 ceasefire with Hamas, and looked for opportunities to reestablish Israel's fabled "deterrent capability" of instilling fear into its enemies.
These leaders felt Israel's deterrent capability was badly damaged as a result of their withdrawal from Gaza in , and especially after the widely criticized failures in the Israeli war with Hezbollah.
For this powerful group a ceasefire was at best a tactical pause before the inevitable renewal of conflict, when conditions were more favorable.
Immediately following Israel's aerial assault, a New York Times article noted that Israel had been eager "to remind its foes that it has teeth" and to erase the ghost of Lebanon that has haunted it over the past two years.
A second factor was pressure surrounding the impending elections set to take place in early February. The ruling coalition, led by Barak and Livni, have been repeatedly criticized by the Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu, the former prime minister, who is leading in the polls, for not being tough enough on Hamas and rocket-fire from Gaza.
This gave the ruling coalition a strong incentive to demonstrate to the Israeli people their security credentials in order to bolster their chances against the more hawkish Likud.
Third, Hamas repeatedly said it wouldn't recognize Mahmud Abbas as president of the Palestinian Authority after his term runs out on January 9.
The looming political standoff on the Palestinian side threatens to boost Hamas and undermine Abbas, who had underseen closer security coordination with Israel and was congenial to Israeli demands for concessions on future peace proposals.
One possible outcome of this assault is that Abbas will remain in power for a while longer, since Hamas will be unable to mobilise its supporters in order to force him to resign.
And finally, Israel was pressed to take action now due to its sense of the American political timeline.
The Bush administration rarely exerted constraint on Israel and would certainly stand by in its waning days, while Barack Obama would not likely want to begin his presidency with a major confrontation with Israel.
The Washington Post quoted a Bush administration official saying that Israel struck in Gaza "because they want it to be over before the next administration comes in.
They can't predict how the next administration will handle it. And this is not the way they want to start with the new administration.
In fact, it's the primary cause of Israel's insecurity because it deepens hatred and a desire for revenge rather than fear. At the same time, there's no question Hamas continues to callously sacrifice its fellow Palestinian citizens, as well as Israeli civilians, on the altar of maintaining its pyrrhic resistance credentials and its myopic preoccupation with revenge, and fell into many self-made traps of its own.
There had been growing international pressure on Israel to ease its siege and a major increase in creative and nonviolent strategies drawing attention to the plight of Palestinians such as the arrival of humanitarian relief convoys off of Gaza's coast in the past months, but now Gaza lies in ruins.
But as the vastly more powerful actor holding nearly all the cards in this conflict, the war in Gaza was ultimately Israel's choice.
And for all this bloodshed and violence, Israel must be held accountable. With the American political establishment firmly behind Israel's attack, and Obama's foreign policy team heavily weighted with pro-Israel insiders like Dennis Ross and Hillary Clinton, any efforts to hold Israel accountable in the United States will depend upon American citizens mobilizing a major grassroots effort behind a new foreign policy that will not tolerate any violations of international law, including those by Israel, and will immediately work towards ending Israel's siege of Gaza and ending Israel's occupation.
Beyond that, the most promising prospect for holding Israel accountable is through the increasing use of universal jurisdiction for prosecuting war crimes, along with the growing transnational movement calling for sanctions on Israel until it ends its violations of international law.
In what would be truly be a new style of foreign policy, a transnational network that focuses on Israeli violations of international law, rather than the state itself, could become a counterweight that forces policymakers in the United States, Europe, and Israel to reconsider their political and moral complicity in the current war, in favor of taking real steps towards peace and security in the region for all peoples.
He is currently writing a book on the relationship between Israel's military violence and Palestinian suicide bombings.
January 12, How Many Divisions? The Germans had no alternative but to bomb and shell the population and to impose a total blockade, which caused the death of hundreds of thousands.
Some time before that, a similar crime was committed in England. The Churchill gang hid among the population of London, misusing the millions of citizens as a human shield.
The Germans were compelled to send their Luftwaffe and reluctantly reduce the city to ruins. They called it the Blitz.
This is the description that would now appear in the history books — if the Germans had won the war. The disparity between the forces, between the Israeli army - with its airplanes, gunships, drones, warships, artillery and tanks - and the few thousand lightly armed Hamas fighters, is one to a thousand, perhaps one to a million.
In the political arena the gap between them is even wider. But in the propaganda war, the gap is almost infinite. Almost all the Western media initially repeated the official Israeli propaganda line.
They almost entirely ignored the Palestinian side of the story, not to mention the daily demonstrations of the Israeli peace camp.
The view from the other side, that the Qassams are a retaliation for the siege that starves the one and a half million inhabitants of the Gaza Strip, was not mentioned at all.
Only when the horrible scenes from Gaza started to appear on Western TV screens, did world public opinion gradually begin to change.
And that is what is decisive, in the end. War — every war — is the realm of lies. Anyone who speaks the truth runs the risk of being branded a traitor.
The trouble is that propaganda is most convincing for the propagandist himself. And after you convince yourself that a lie is the truth and falsification reality, you can no longer make rational decisions.
An example of this process surrounds the most shocking atrocity of this war so far: the shelling of the UN Fakhura school in Jabaliya refugee camp.
As proof they released an aerial photo which indeed showed the school and the mortar. But within a short time the official army liar had to admit that the photo was more than a year old.
In brief: a falsification. Barely a day passed before the army had to admit to UN personnel that that was a lie, too. Nobody had shot from inside the school, no Hamas fighters were inside the school, which was full of terrified refugees.
But the admission made hardly any difference anymore. So it went with the other atrocities. Every baby metamorphosed, in the act of dying, into a Hamas terrorist.
The real aim apart from gaining seats in the coming elections is to terminate the rule of Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
In the imagination of the planners, Hamas is an invader which has gained control of a foreign country. The reality is, of course, entirely different.
The Hamas movement won the majority of the votes in the eminently democratic elections that took place in the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip.
Hamas is deeply rooted in the population — not only as a resistance movement fighting the foreign occupier, like the Irgun and the Stern Group in the past — but also as a political and religious body that provides social, educational and medical services.
From the point of view of the population, the Hamas fighters are not a foreign body, but the sons of every family in the Strip and the other Palestinian regions.
Therefore, the whole operation is based on erroneous assumptions. Turning life into living hell does not cause the population to rise up against Hamas, but on the contrary, it unites behind Hamas and reinforces its determination not to surrender.
The population of Leningrad did not rise up against Stalin, any more than the Londoners rose up against Churchill.
He who gives the order for such a war with such methods in a densely populated area knows that it will cause dreadful slaughter of civilians.
Apparently that did not touch him. A top priority for the planners was the need to minimize casualties among the soldiers, knowing that the mood of a large part of the pro-war public would change if reports of such casualties came in.
This consideration played an especially important role because the entire war is a part of the election campaign. Ehud Barak, who gained in the polls in the first days of the war, knew that his ratings would collapse if pictures of dead soldiers filled the TV screens.
Therefore, a new doctrine was applied: to avoid losses among our soldiers by the total destruction of everything in their path.
The planners were not only ready to kill 80 Palestinians to save one Israeli soldier, as has happened, but also The avoidance of casualties on our side is the overriding commandment, which is causing record numbers of civilian casualties on the other side.
That means the conscious choice of an especially cruel kind of warfare — and that has been its Achilles heel. The pictures of the hospitals, with the dead, the dying and the injured lying together on the floor for lack of space, have shocked the world.
The Israeli journalists, to their shame, agreed to be satisfied with the reports and photos provided by the Army Spokesman, as if they were authentic news, while they themselves remained miles away from the events.
Foreign journalists were not allowed in either, until they protested and were taken for quick tours in selected and supervised groups.
But in a modern war, such a sterile manufactured view cannot completely exclude all others — the cameras are inside the strip, in the middle of the hell, and cannot be controlled.
Aljazeera broadcasts the pictures around the clock and reaches every home. Hundreds of millions of Arabs from Mauritania to Iraq, more than a billion Muslims from Nigeria to Indonesia see the pictures and are horrified.
This has a strong impact on the war. Many of the viewers see the rulers of Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority as collaborators with Israel in carrying out these atrocities against their Palestinian brothers.
The security services of the Arab regimes are registering a dangerous ferment among the peoples. Hosny Mubarak, the most exposed Arab leader because of his closing of the Rafah crossing in the face of terrified refugees, started to pressure the decision-makers in Washington, who until that time had blocked all calls for a cease-fire.
These began to understand the menace to vital American interests in the Arab world and suddenly changed their attitude — causing consternation among the complacent Israeli diplomats.
People with moral insanity cannot really understand the motives of normal people and must guess their reactions. As it turns out, they do have some.
Not numerous. Not very quick to react. Not very strong and organized. But at a certain moment, when the atrocities overflow and masses of protesters come together, that can decide a war.
Not only is Israel unable to win the war, Hamas cannot lose it. Even if the Israeli army were to succeed in killing every Hamas fighter to the last man, even then Hamas would win.
The Hamas fighters would be seen as the paragons of the Arab nation, the heroes of the Palestinian people, models for emulation by every youngster in the Arab world.
The West Bank would fall into the hands of Hamas like a ripe fruit, Fatah would drown in a sea of contempt, the Arab regimes would be threatened with collapse.
If the war ends with Hamas still standing, bloodied but unvanquished, in face of the mighty Israeli military machine, it will look like a fantastic victory, a victory of mind over matter.
What will be seared into the consciousness of the world will be the image of Israel as a blood-stained monster, ready at any moment to commit war crimes and not prepared to abide by any moral restraints.
This will have severe consequences for our long-term future, our standing in the world, our chance of achieving peace and quiet. In the end, this war is a crime against ourselves too, a crime against the State of Israel.
Uri Avnery is an Israeli writer and peace activist with Gush Shalom. Last night was a quiet one in Jabaliya.
We got a call to go to Tel Al Zater looking for the dead and injured, around 2am. What is it? Palestinian body armour. Mohammad, and Ahmad Abu Foul, a Civil Defence medical services coordinator told me they had been shot at by Israeli snipers yesterday.
Mohammd had recounted the story, still counting his blessings, earlier on at the ambulance station. Ahmad, 24, another rescuer here, told me he had been shot in the chest — in his bullet proof vest — close to the Atarturah area whilst trying to evacuate corpses three days ago.
His brother, he had told me, had been injured 14 times working as a paramedic. Then he got hit by an Apache. Then it was serious. Back to Tel Al Zater, we searched with micro torches, sweeping over slabs of broken homes and free running water from freshly smashed pipes.
A black goat was trapped in a rubble nest. We stepped over broken blown in metal doors off their hinges.
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The terrifying this is that there are still people trapped in their homes if their homes are still standing, without food, water, or electricity.
Refugees at the Al Fakhoura school report not being able to recognise their areas, their streets after the heavy fighting and destruction of so many houses.
When these areas are finally accessible to people, the full extent of the killing and destruction will at last be known.
Meanwhile, as the killing continues, the Ministry of Health ambulances in the north are becoming slowly paralysed.
Four M. H ambulances based at Kamal Odwan have no fuel and have been grounded, two have just half a tank each. One in Beit Hanoun has also been immobilised.
The Civil Defence and the Red Crescent will go out, we cannot, only in case of a major emergency. In case of another strike like the one at Fakhoura, the injured will have to be transported by donkey cart.
To add to the M. So everybody who can, still keeps going. Israeli war planes keep targeting civilians. The evidence piling up points to a deliberate campaign and policy of targeting civilians.
And the bombs keep falling, thudding all around all of us, everywhere we go, everywhere we sleep, everywhere we walk, drive, sit and pray. Everyone is exhausted and just wants these attacks to end and for a real ceasefire to materialise.
Ewa Jasiewicz is an experienced journalist, community and union organizer, and solidarity worker. Como dije arriba, el conflicto del Congo no ha terminado.
Kol Aher another voice is a group similar in spirit to ours. Its members are Israelis living near the Gaza Strip, and attempting to build a human bridge of understanding and solidarity with Gaza residents.
And they have found partners on the other side. Of course, the terrible violence of the past two weeks places an especially heavy strain upon Kol Aher members, as they and their friends across the border are under personal risk, from a war in which they do not believe.
Nomika Zion, a Kol Aher founder, decided to speak out. Below is her text. Please distribute widely. Thank you.
Hey Fuad, not everyone. Even if I was the only one around Sderot feeling differently - and I am not - my voice should be heard. Not in my name and not for me you went to war.
The current bloodbath in Gaza is not in my name and not for my security. Destroyed homes, bombed schools, thousands of new refugees - are not in my name and not for my security.
In Gaza there is no time for burial ceremonies now, the dead are put in refrigerators in twos, because there is no room. I got myself neither security nor quiet from this war.
After such an essential calm, that helped all of us heal emotionally and mentally and experience some sanity again [Nomika is referring here to the first 5 months of cease-fire, which were observed by both sides - Assaf] - our leaders have brought us back to the same wounded, anxiety-ridden place.
To the same humiliating, terrified sprinting to shelter. Hamas is an evil, terrible terror organization. Not just for us. First and foremost to its own citizens.
But beyond that wretched leadership there are human beings. With hard labor, ordinary people on both sides build small bridges of human gestures.
This is what the Kol Aher, a group of people from Sderot and elsewhere on the Gaza border of which I am a member, has been doing. We have tried to lay down a human route to the hearts of our neighbors.
While we have won a five-month calm, they continued to suffer under the siege. A young man told us he does not wish to marry and have kids, because in Gaza there is no future for children.
A single airplane bomb drowns these human gestures in depths of blood and despair. Qassams scare me.
But even more frightening is the monolithic tone in our public sphere and our media, the unbreachable wall of jingoism. It scares me when my Kol Aher colleague is assaulted by other Sderotis, as he is interviewed and criticizes the war - and later receives anonymous phone threats and is afraid to return to his car.
It scares me how little room there is for another voice, and how difficult it is to express it here. I am willing to pay the price of social isolation, but not the price of fear.
It scares me to see my city light up, celebrate and put up flags, and cheerleader squads hand out flowers on the streets, and people honk in glee at every one-ton bomb dropped on our neighbors.
A million and a half people with no name. A deep, dark stream of violence flows into the veins of Israeli society like a deadly disease, and it gets stronger from war to war.
It has no smell and no shape, but we feel it very clearly here. Our morality is so polluted, so soiled now that it seems no washing will be able to remove the stains.
Our democracy is so fragile, that you have to weigh every word in order to safeguard yourself. The first time I felt the state is really protecting me, was when they got the ceasefire.
I am not responsible for Hamas, and therefore I ask our own leaders: have you turned every stone in order to continue the calm? To extend the ceasefire?
To use it to get a long-term agreement? To resolve the border-crossing and siege issues before they blow the whole thing up? Have you gone to the ends of the world looking for the right mediators?
And why did you wave away, unblinkingly, the French ceasefire initiative after the war started? And why do you keep rejecting, to this very moment, every possible offer of negotiations?
Do you think we have not reached our maximum Qassam quota here, that we can stand some more? That we have not yet reached the quota of killed Palestinian children that the world can stomach?
And who guarantees that Hamas can be toppled? And who will come in its place? Global fundamentalist organizations? Al Qaeda? And how, from the heaps of rubble and hunger and cold and dead bodies, will moderate voices of peace grow?
Where are you leading us? What future are you promising us here in Sderot? The IDF has slammed and shot and assassinated and razed and hit and missed and bombed - and what have we gotten in return?
It is extremely hard to live in Sderot nowadays. At night, the IDF pounds infrastructure and human beings, and our home walls shudder.
By morning, we get Qassams - more sophisticated ones each time. A person going to work in the morning, does not know whether their home will be found standing by evening.
In the evening, after many difficulties, we manage to make contact with our desperate friends in Gaza. They have no electricity, no water, no gas, no food, nowhere to hide.
And only the words of N. A ton of Cast Lead is weighing on my heart, and my heart cannot contain it. January , What Humanitarian Crisis?
Indeed, it is yet another astonishing example of how practices from such an ignominious period of history have become incorporated into the military and propaganda armamentarium of the Israeli government and the behavior of the settler community, without even the batting of an eye to reflect its historical irony.
Take, for example, the recent riots by Israeli settlers in the Palestinian city of Al-Khalil, also known as Hebron. It is home to , Palestinians and extremist settlers, protected day and night by Israeli soldiers.
During the confrontation between the two, a group of settlers went marauding through Hebron, shooting indiscriminately at Palestinian civilians while attempting to lynch others, setting cars on fire and burning down houses.
A few weeks earlier, mosques in Hebron had been spray painted and desecrated with virulent anti-Islamic, anti-Arab slogans and houses had Stars of David painted on them.
Its propagation has no doubt been aided by the Israeli government prohibiting journalists from entering Gaza despite a High Court ruling ordering them to lift the ban.
But facts always run contrary to The Big Lie. Seventy-five percent have been without electricity for over a week. Fuel is in short supply and with winter at hand, this has caused terrible hardship to the majority who live in unlit, unheated homes and who are also forced to keep their windows open to prevent shattering glass from nearby explosions.
The people of Gaza City and the north now have no water. That comes on top of having no electricity. It's just horrible to see this, horrible to see civilians caught up in this.
It is absolutely crucial that there is an end to the fighting. Without it, more civilians will continue to be killed. The Associated Press, 4 Jan And in the central Gaza refugee camp of Nusseirat, Munir Najar said he only had another day's worth of flour to feed his family of seven, but ventured out to find streets deserted and shops closed.
With power lines down, much of Gaza has no electricity. There is a dire shortage of cooking gas. Mads Gilbert, a Norwegian who was allowed into Gaza last week to give emergency medical aid, and who has worked in many conflict zones, said the situation was the worst he had seen.
The hospital lacked everything, he said: monitors, anesthesia, surgical equipment, heaters and spare parts. Israeli bombing nearby blew out windows, and like the rest of Gaza, here the severely limited fuel supplies were running low.
The situation for the people in Gaza is extreme and traumatic as a result of ten days of uninterrupted fighting. Let us hope this time, they do not get away with it.
Rannie Amiri is an independent commentator on the Arab and Islamic worlds. He may be reached at: rbamiri at yahoo. Now you must take care of yourself and your struggle.
This is an uprising with many origins; the most obvious is police brutality. Alexis is not the first victim of the Greek police, only the youngest.
But its roots also lie in the economic crisis — a national one which struck hard even before the consequences of the global financial storm made themselves felt.
On top of this, Greece is going through a profound political crisis, both systemic and moral; it comes from the duplicity of political parties and personalities, which has broken all trust in state institutions.
The list of student and immigrant victims of torture and murder by the police goes back a long way. In , another year-old, Michel Kaltezas, was murdered by a police officer — a crime whitewashed by a corrupt judicial system.
This society does not forgive as readily as some. The euro generation This united front is led by a generation of the very young. There is a reason for this: daily life for most young Greeks is dominated by intensive schooling aimed at securing a university place.
Selection is tough and children focus hard on it from the age of One group has now named a new association after it: Generation , or just G They try to give a voice to this generation, and give free legal advice too.
Even a short-term contract is seen as exceptional, because that would entitle you to some social security, redundancy pay and holidays, whereas a freelance agreement, now common even in the public services, gives you no legal rights or security.
People feel let down and disillusioned, and cannot see the situation improving. This reaction is the same for men and women, and across all social classes and educational levels.
And studies by the Foundation for Economic and Industrial Research, which has been publishing monthly reports since , also show that economic indices have never been so low.
Three political families have reigned over the Greek political scene since the s. The two main parties, New Democracy on the right and the socialists of Pasok, have shared power for more than 30 years.
The Coalition of the Radical Left Syriza does at least know how to communicate with the young, and its leap in the opinion polls in the last months has been spectacular: after a modest 5.
The election of Alexis Tsipras, 33, as leader of its biggest component, the Coalition of the Left of Movements and Ecology, Synapismos, has also contributed to this rise in support.
Even after some levelling out, Syriza is still getting about 8 per cent, well ahead of the KKE which is finding its decline hard to swallow.
New Democracy needed a scapegoat to divert the public debate from the causes of the uprising. Pasok, meanwhile, is keeping its mouth shut, knowing that its turn to govern is coming sooner than it expected.
The government of Kostas Karamanlis has much responsibility for all this. Elected in on a promise of openness and honesty, it has become embroiled in scandals even worse than those of its predecessors.
Bribery, corruption, nepotism — and more. The latest concerns the illegal trading of state land for less valuable land owned by the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos, for which those responsible have still not been brought to justice.
The young are right to believe that in such a corrupt country, no one gets punished. Home Serien Zapped! Komplette Handlung und Informationen zu Zapped!
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Zapped - Official Trailer - MarVista Entertainment Maret 25, Weitere Details. Begeistert von der Idee, etwas Ordnung in ihr Leben bringen zu können, befiehlt sie den Jungs, sich American Fighter 2 zu benehmen. Als Tina neu auf die Schule Wick 2, sind sie bald ein Trio. Zoey entdeckt eine Hunde-App, mit der ihr auch sämtliche Jungs Gehorsam zeigen.
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